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miércoles, mayo 12, 2010

Philosophy of the Urban Guerrilla: Abraham Guillén

Preface to the American Edition
by Abraham Guillén
I am delighted to take this opportunity to say a few words to my North American readers. My good friend Professor Don Hodges has remarked that my books, though virtually to the North American public, are familiar to the Pentagon, which have tried to suppress their diffusion to throughout Latin America. The Theory of Violence (1965), Strategy of the Urban Guerrilla (1966) and Challenge Pentagon (1969) have been repeatedly discovered aves" or hideouts of the urban guerrillas in Montevideo; but the police have tried to withhold this information ress in order not to give publicity to my writings egy of the urban guerrilla. Without a trace of vanity. I can say that these books are prohibited in Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and other countries, a prohibition that amounts to an intellectual blockade designed to keep my nen these books have will get through - are officially burned to keep them from catching fire. There is no way to reclaim them from the new Inquisistion and its autos de fe. Consequently, I am grateful to Hodges for editing these selections from my major works and for presenting the fundamentals of my thought to interested North Amerocans. Perhaps even I could not have made an anthology as complete and balanced as his; for he has known how to capture my philosophy as well as its economic, political and strategical applications. With these selections and Rodges' Introduction, North American readers now have in condensed form the essentials of "Guillenismo." I have great confidence in the youth, students, laborers, technicians, intellectuals, women, blacks, chicanos and Puerto Ricans in the United States. These popular strata constitute . the internal proletariat of the informal economic and political empire of the United States, which directly or indirectIy dominates virtually all of Latin America. They are the natural allies of the vast majority of Latin Americans constituting the external proletariat of the North American corporations. When these two revolutionary fronts converge in their thougbt and action, then the imperialism of the dollar will suffer the same fate as the Roman Empire, whose legions were broken by the combined pressure of the colonial peoples in revolt (Germans, Scythians, etc. ) and the internally colonized masses (slaves, Christians, etc.). In this planetary epoch the North American proletariat will not liberate itself from the capitalism of Wall Street until it is assisted in its revolutionary struggle by the Latin American proletariat. For the weakest link in the chain of yanqui capitalism is not inside the conventional territorial borders of the US. but on its vast external front, where the superprofits are extracted and the generals of the Pentagon have to "intervene." Capital is exported to the underdeveloped countries because the rate of return there is comparatively higher. The risks are also greater in the form of social unrest, popular revolution, government intervention and expropiation. Here is where the Pentagon helps to protect US. "interests" and to secure the much vaunted domestic prosperity which has come to depend increasingly on foreign earnings. Paradoxically, prosperity under conditions of low profitability inside the US. is being achieved through economic stagnation and high profits elsewhere. Thus the external proletariat of the North American empire suffers the heaviest burden of exploitation and has the greatest stake in overcoming imperialism. The weakest link in the chain of US. imperialism is in the Third World and above all in its Latin American backyard. It is difficult for either Latin or North American revolutionaries to win alone. Just as N orth American labor and the inner-city ghettos depend on a Latin American revolution to undermine the imperialism of the dollar abroad, so the superexploited subproletariat south of the Rio Grande depends on thv blacks, chicanos, Puerto Rican and white workers inside the U.S. to immobilize the imperialism of the dollar at home. These internal and external proletariats are virtual brothers in distress and share a common lot and destiny. Only by working together for their common liberation can they overcome the prospect of a Latin American Vietnam. The Latin American masses are struggling not for a symbolic sovereignty as in Africa but for economic independence from the United States and for a belated resolution against native oligarchs who have sold their countries to foreign interests. Such a struggle, as in Cuba and Santo Domingo, portends U.S. military intervention and ultimately a continental struggle for liberation. The objective conditions are present for a Second Latin American War of Independence: this time the struggle will be launched by the oppressed and not by the native bourgeoisie and oligarchies. Such a struggle will have for its principal target not only yanqui imperialism, but also dependent Latin American capitalism. And its successful outcome promises to galvanize the North American people into waging a parallel struggle against the Juggernaut that will be sending the cream of its youth to be killed in Latin America as an earlier generation was sacrificed in Vietnam. The U.S. government is now less transparent and far more cautions that it was during the "incident" in Santo Domingo in 1965. Today it tolerates the socialist govemment of Salvador Allende; it has responded with moderation to the claims of Peru and Ecuador to coastal waters extending 200 miles offshore: it has remained cool in the presence of continued harassment by Panamanian nationalists for the return of the Canal Zone; it no longer supports military invasions against popular governments such as the CIA planned against the Arbenz regime in Guatemala and against Castro in the Bay of Pigs. Instead, the State Department, Pentagon and CIA now rely on the Brazilian generals to do their work for them, to suppress nationalliberation movements in Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia, Argentina and other South American countries. But the Brazilian generals are hated by their own people and by the peoples in neighboring states. In the event that they intervene to repress popular insurrections, the outcome is more likely to be defeat than victory. There will be no more Santo Domingos-at least not with subimperialist forces under the direction of Brazilian pretorians. Should Brazil fail in her appointed task, the Pentagon would have to intervene directIy. And at that moment a continental war between the two Americas would be a likely outcome: the culminating point in a class struggle between the North American plutoc¬racy and allied Latin American oligarchies on one side andO the combined internal and external proletariats of America on the other. The genial Goethe said of the battle of Valmy, where the French Revolutionary armies defeated the Prussians, that it was not a simple defeat but the triumph of a new society. The North American plutocrats will eventually encounter their Valmy in some part of Latin America. If the undernourished, underdeveloped, pauperized, exploited, oppressed and Balkanized Latin American nation is not revolutionary, then it will never achieve either liberation or unification. It has to discover through revolutionary praxis, through the unity of revolutionary thought and action, where the secret of its emancipation lies: in the combined actions of the North and Latin American proletariats toward the overcoming of feudalism, militarism, capitalism and imperialism in the final decades of the twentieth century.
Montevideo, July 20, 1972

1 comentario:

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